How the index is built.
The Accountability Index asks one question of every member of Congress: how free are they from special interest money and conflicts? Three of its four measures are about money and trading. The fourth blends eight interest group scorecards, four from the left and four from the right, rescaled so that neither party starts ahead. It does not grade character, and a member can score well and vote in ways you dislike.
The four measured parts
Each part is turned into a score from 0 to 100, where 100 is the most independent. The index is the weighted average of the four parts: lobby money 22 percent, PAC share 22 percent, trading 16 percent and crossing the aisle 40 percent. When a part is missing for a member, it takes the median of every member who has it, so a gap neither raises nor lowers a score, and the member is marked partial. The medians today are lobby money 49.5, PAC share 54.7, trading 100.0 and crossing the aisle 49.5. A member is scored only when FEC campaign money is on file.
- Pro-Israel lobby money. TrackAIPAC's Israel Lobby Total, the career sum of money from pro-Israel PACs and their large donors plus their outside spending for the member, built from FEC records. The score falls on a log scale: $0 scores 100, $10,000 about 74, $100,000 about 50, $1 million about 25 and $10 million or more 0. Members TrackAIPAC marks as rejecting AIPAC, with no dollar figure shown, are counted as zero.
- PAC money share. The money a member's campaign took from PACs and other non-party committees, as a share of everything it raised this cycle, from the FEC's candidate summary. The score falls in a straight line from 100 at no PAC money to 0 at a 70 percent share. Members who raised under $25,000 are left out of this part.
- Stock trading. The trades a member reported in the last year and their estimated dollar volume, from Quiver Quantitative. The count and the volume each get a log scale score and the two are averaged: one trade scores about 93 on the count, ten about 77, a hundred about 56 and a thousand about 34; $100,000 in volume scores about 60 and $10 million about 20.
- Crossing the aisle. Eight scorecards, four that lean left, League of Conservation Voters, ProgressivePunch, AFL-CIO, Human Rights Campaign, and four that lean right, Heritage Action, CPAC ratings, Club for Growth, America First Foundation. Each card is rescaled so the average member of the party it backs sits at 100 and the average member of the party it opposes at 0. The left cards are averaged, the right cards are averaged, every card counting the same, and the part is the mean of the two sides, held between 0 and 100. By construction the average Democrat and the average Republican both land at 50 here, so this part cannot favor either party. A member scores higher by earning credit from the other side's groups and lower by falling short of their own side's. A side needs at least two cards on file; otherwise it takes the median of the member's own party.
Grades
Grades are fixed cutoffs on the index, not a curve, so every member could in principle earn an A.
Not scored yet: votes that helped donors
The fourth part we want is a test of whether a member's votes line up with the industries that fund them. That needs each donor's industry, which the public FEC pages do not give and which we cannot yet read from an industry coded source. Rather than guess, the index leaves this part out and every member page says so. It will be added once the data can be read in full.
Why the scorecards are rescaled
Left leaning groups give the typical Democrat a score near 96 and the typical Republican near 2; right leaning groups spread their scores more, and the America First Foundation gives Democrats about 34. Averaging the raw scores would hand one party a head start. Rescaling each card between the two party averages first removes that, so the blend measures how a member compares with their own party and the other, not which party they belong to. Moderates are not automatically rewarded: groups on both sides often score them below their own party, and the part shows that.
Sources and coverage
read October 22, 2026| Measure | Source | Members on file | As of | Known gaps |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pro-Israel lobby money | TrackAIPAC | 504 of 539 | FEC data dated July 5 2026, read Oct 22 2026 | TrackAIPAC's Congress page could not be read past Virginia, so the 29 members from Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin and Wyoming take the median for this part for now. The six non-voting delegates are not listed by the site. |
| PAC money share | FEC candidate pages | 537 of 539 | filings through Sept 30 2026 for most members | Two appointed senators have no FEC committee on file. Senators show their whole election period on the FEC page, six years for those up in 2026, so their totals are larger than the two year House totals; the share is a ratio, so it still compares fairly. |
| Stock trading | Quiver Quantitative | 102 of 539 | trailing year to Oct 22 2026 | Members with no entry in Quiver's last year table are scored as not trading. That table can miss members: Jefferson Shreve was missing and is added from CurvedTrading's listing. Trading before the last year is not counted. |
| League of Conservation Voters, left | League of Conservation Voters | 531 of 539 | 2025 | Members seated after the 2025 scorecard have no score. Average Democrat 95.8, average Republican 2.2. |
| ProgressivePunch, left | ProgressivePunch | 533 of 539 | 2025-26 (119th Congress, votes since January 2025) | The six non-voting delegates are not scored. Read from the chamber tables; only the first rows of each were checked a second time. Average Democrat 92.9, average Republican 1. |
| AFL-CIO, left | AFL-CIO | 524 of 539 | 2025 | Three senators and six House members seated after the 2025 list, and the delegates, have no score. Average Democrat 97.4, average Republican 1.9. |
| Human Rights Campaign, left | Human Rights Campaign | 473 of 539 | 119th Congress | Read from the 119th Congress PDF, whose text could be read only through the Texas House table; the remaining House members, Texas 29 on and Utah to Wyoming, are scored on the other three left cards. Average Democrat 97.5, average Republican 2.2. |
| Heritage Action, right | Heritage Action | 525 of 539 | 119th Congress | A weekly snapshot while Congress sits. Five delegate pages and a few others could not be read. Average Democrat 1.4, average Republican 86.7. |
| CPAC ratings, right | CPAC ratings | 517 of 539 | 2025 | 2025 ratings from each member’s CPAC page. Late seated members and delegates show no rating. Average Democrat 6.2, average Republican 83. |
| Club for Growth, right | Club for Growth | 522 of 539 | 2025 | 2025 Economic Growth Score. Delegates and members seated after 2025 have no score. Average Democrat 13, average Republican 89.2. |
| America First Foundation, right | America First Foundation | 528 of 539 | 117th to 119th Congress | Alignment share of scored actions. Seven members are ungraded and four not listed. Average Democrat 34.1, average Republican 67.8. |
The list of members comes from the congress-legislators project. Every figure was read from the public page named and is stored as the source showed it, including figures that look odd. Corrections are welcome through the contact page.